Post by rafivaiislam23 on Mar 13, 2024 3:50:51 GMT
The international press is following the growth of the 5 Star Movement with great attention. Below is part of the article that appeared in TIME: ''It says a lot for Italian politics that the most powerful political figure after former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, overwhelmed by scandals, is a grizzled and explosive comedian named Beppe Grillo, well-known for organizing V-Days, days of national protest against government corruption. A desire for change. across the European electorate, Italians want to have a choice and, with the exception of Beppe Grillo, Italy does not have a single national leader who was not already in politics in 1994, the year in which Berlusconi took power.
The municipal elections in May are the last concrete political test before Hong Kong Phone Number Data next year's national consultations. If the polls are correct, Italian politicians will take the same lesson as the tyrants of the Arab Spring: repression of change translates into popular uprising. Confidence in the political class is in the single digits. Scandals and corruption compete for space in the newspapers with a frequency that shocks even the accustomed Italian electorate. There is a shared view that Mario Monti's government of unelected technicians - its very existence is evidence of the inability of Italian democracy to produce a better alternative - has been tasked with cleaning up the mess that politicians have been incapable of resolving. Italian politics has become bureaucracy. Historic protagonists seek to repel challengers not with platforms of ideas, oratory or politics, but with the entrenched machinery of their parties. If you open a couple of newspapers from the last 18 years, you will find the same names. Take Pier Ferdinando Casini.
He began his political career in the Christian Democrats, then broke up and has since led two other groups born from splits and mergers. ''In the rest of the world, the parties remain the same, but the leaders change,'' says Matteo Renzi, the mayor of Florence and politician who has struggled to break into the national scene. ''For us, it's the opposite.'' According to the electoral law - introduced in 2005 - voters do not vote for individual candidates, but for party lists drawn up by political leaders who, as expected, select based on loyalty. Berlusconi was ousted in November and his longtime ally Umberto Bossi, head of the xenophobic Northern League, resigned in April amid accusations of spending party funds on behalf of his family. But both were replaced by handpicked second lieutenants. Meanwhile, their opponents on the left continue to plumb the depths of their party hierarchies for a series of uninspiring bureaucrats. With the country's leaders focused on their armchair play, the problems of Europe's third-largest economy have remained largely overlooked. The current generation of politicians has governed as if determined to drain the country dry before they die.
The municipal elections in May are the last concrete political test before Hong Kong Phone Number Data next year's national consultations. If the polls are correct, Italian politicians will take the same lesson as the tyrants of the Arab Spring: repression of change translates into popular uprising. Confidence in the political class is in the single digits. Scandals and corruption compete for space in the newspapers with a frequency that shocks even the accustomed Italian electorate. There is a shared view that Mario Monti's government of unelected technicians - its very existence is evidence of the inability of Italian democracy to produce a better alternative - has been tasked with cleaning up the mess that politicians have been incapable of resolving. Italian politics has become bureaucracy. Historic protagonists seek to repel challengers not with platforms of ideas, oratory or politics, but with the entrenched machinery of their parties. If you open a couple of newspapers from the last 18 years, you will find the same names. Take Pier Ferdinando Casini.
He began his political career in the Christian Democrats, then broke up and has since led two other groups born from splits and mergers. ''In the rest of the world, the parties remain the same, but the leaders change,'' says Matteo Renzi, the mayor of Florence and politician who has struggled to break into the national scene. ''For us, it's the opposite.'' According to the electoral law - introduced in 2005 - voters do not vote for individual candidates, but for party lists drawn up by political leaders who, as expected, select based on loyalty. Berlusconi was ousted in November and his longtime ally Umberto Bossi, head of the xenophobic Northern League, resigned in April amid accusations of spending party funds on behalf of his family. But both were replaced by handpicked second lieutenants. Meanwhile, their opponents on the left continue to plumb the depths of their party hierarchies for a series of uninspiring bureaucrats. With the country's leaders focused on their armchair play, the problems of Europe's third-largest economy have remained largely overlooked. The current generation of politicians has governed as if determined to drain the country dry before they die.